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The Plough
Vol. 4- No 2
Saturday 20th January 2007
E-mail newsletter of the
Irish Republican Socialist Party
1)
Editorial
2)
The Policing Debate
3)
Housing Crisis
4)
From the media
a.
Housing problem "at worst for 20 years
5)
International news
a.
Venezuela Recovers Social Property
6) From the media
Editorial
In
this edition we carry the speech of Comrade Eddie McGarrigle in
Derry at a packed meeting of Republicans. We also reprint in full a
section of the 2007 Northern Ireland The Policing (Miscellaneous
Provisions) (Northern Ireland) Order 2007 which deals with the
police powers to examine and remove any documents which they so
choose without having any knowledge that a crime may have been
committed. Despite major terror attacks in Britain recently such
powers have not been introduced into any other part of the British
isles. The assurance from British Minister Goggins that;
"In the process, a police officer must have a reasonable
suspicion that having examined those documents he may have a
reasonable suspicion that a crime has taken place. "The police can't
go around willy-nilly seeking documents, there has
to be a rationale here.”
is
not worth the paper it is printed on. Since when in the whole
history of the Northern state has the police force been either
reasonable or conscientious about their legal responsibilities?
Teach na Failte has already suffered the seizure of documents 18
months ago and harassment of members despite no evidence that a
crime had been committed. Those documents were held for far longer
than under the new legislation despite the fact that the raids
produced absolutely no evidence of crime or of Teach na FaIlte
linked to crime. It was a clearly politically motivated police
assault designed to put Teach na Failte out of business and hinder
the growing spread of republican socialist ideas.
While in order to facilitate the so-called peace process the British
Government reduce occupation forces to the level they were in 1969
before the “troubles” dismantle forts that did not exist in 1969 and
repeal legislation that did not exist in 1969 they have also
introduced more repressive legislation and brought MI5 into the
North big time.
We
also reproduce an article on the situation in Venezuela and all
comrades should note the basic demand that Chavez has called for-to
renationalise that which has been privatized. That demand if used
here in Ireland would soon sort out the so-called socialists both
North and South quite happy to introduce privitisation measures. It
should be a central demand for everyone standing for election who
calls him/herself a socialist
The Policing Debate
Tonight's debate is to be welcomed. It’s not too often that such a
wide representation from within republicanism gather in debate.
Having attended two previous debates, which were at times
acrimonious, I would hope that tonight we at the least act in a
courteous manner and debate in a comradely and progressive fashion.
We have all gathered here tonight to debate and discuss whether or
not the acceptance and endorsement of the Policing and Justice
system in the North of Ireland by S. F. is a Bridge too far for
republicans. This issue has caused alarm within republicanism such
is the magnitude of such a decision. It is an emotive and sensitive
issue and one which deserves and demands full and open clarity on
the strategy of those who propose that it is the right thing to do.
The objective as stated by Sinn Fein is the ending of political and
partisan policing and the establishment of a democratically
accountable policing service in the North of Ireland. The IRSP do
not believe that this is possible, we do not hold the position that
republicans can change the policing and justice systems from within
and we do not believe that it is in any way realistic to believe
that the RUC/PSNI will be or a non-partisan non-political policing
service.
That is the Republican Socialist viewpoint and I will outline the
reasons why we have this position. Ultimately it is down to the
membership of Sinn Fein. It is their decision. The consensus amongst
all republicans is that we all profess to want an end to British
rule in Ireland and an end of political policing in Ireland. There
are obvious disagreements as to the strategies deployed
This issue has come about as a natural consequence of Sinn Feins
acceptance of the G.F.A. For the record our analysis of the G.F.A.
is that it copper-fastens partition and encourages sectarianism by
institutionalizing it. We do not view it as a transitional stage nor
as a stepping stone to a united Ireland. This is a major point on of
division within republicanism. We view the Belfast Agreement as
being based upon an acceptance of the unionist veto and therefore
the continuation of British rule. Institutions of this statelet such
as the policing and the justice systems are tasked not only with
upholding and maintaining the constitutional status quo but also the
upholding and maintenance of Britain's National interests. The
primary function of all police forces is to defend the authority &
legitimacy of the State and to serve the interests of those in
power.
Despite our position on the GFA we argued face to face with
Provisional Sinn Fein that they did not have to take part in the
power-sharing executive. Instead they could have provided a solid
republican opposition to both the continued existence of partition
and also lead the fight back against privatization and neo-liberal
economic policies such as the water tax.. Oppositional politics
where they would not have to "play by the rules" would in our
opinion would have been a more successful strategy.
I want to nail on the head the perception by some that (1) that
because we were anti-GFA that somehow we want a return to war, we do
not view armed struggle as a viable tactic at present to achieve
republican objectives. ((2) That all republicans who oppose the
endorsement of the RUC/PSNI along with The Criminal Justice system
want or desire a return to armed conflict, that is false. As
Bernadette Mc Aliskey said "The wars over and the good guys lost".
It is our opinion that, given the position adopted by the Sinn Fein
leadership, that there was never any doubt that the outcome of
embracing what we consider to be a reformist strategy was always
going to lead them into the acceptance of the British policing
service and structures.
It would appear that the perception of a growing number of
republicans is that the outcome of years of negotiations have
resulted solely in a restructuring and updating of British rule in
Ireland. The view that process of negotiations as one which can be
best summed up and characterised by a series of hoops that S.F.
republicans have had to jump through before their opponents accept
the validity of their electoral mandate.
However we are not here to analyze the merits or shortfalls of the
G.F.A. As I stated at the beginning we are here to discuss whether
or not republicans should endorse and implement policing and justice
within the parameters set out by the British government and within
the framework of the GFA and St. Andrews Agreement. We should
confine our debate to this and not cloud the core question by
engaging in a discussion which centres on a narrow "law and order"
perspective. We need police because we have crime, etc. Public
endorsement of any police service does not by the way automatically
mean a reduction in crime, just look at the situation in the Free
State.
Crime, punishment and policing in society are all matters worthy of
debate but we are not here to discuss these matters nor are we here
to be here to be sidetracked into issues such as who has or hasn't
the best strategy of achieving the republican objectives of a 32
county socialist republic, to allow this debate to be sidetracked
away from the core question under debate will only muddy the issue
and further divide republicans.
I accept that many genuine republicans within Sinn Fein who have
dedicated their lives to republicanism differ from this view and
believe in their hearts that they will change the system from within
and that the road they have taken will lead to a united Ireland.
They are mistaken. Both the G.F.A and the St. Andrew's Agreement
have inbuilt safeguards to neutralise any attempts to 'change the
system from within'.
In previous policing debates Declan Kearney outlines the Sf position
as one in which policing and the justice system are solely sites of
struggle in which the objective is to change the system from within,
he maintains that by doing so SF will get rid of political policing
and deal with issues such as collusion. Those of us who quite simply
do not buy into this are advised to live in the real world and to
take the long term view, however I have yet to hear from Declan or
anyone else in SF as to how exactly SF are going to reform from
within state institutions such as the RUC/PSNI. Never mind their
strategy in moving beyond the GFA. No amount of party spin or
honeyed words escape from the fact that the British Government have
ultimate control in relation to policing, in the real world by
signing up to and endorsing the policing structures republicans will
not make the law, they will administer it, it will be British law.
This is not the local council we are talking about nor is it the
Health or Education Boards.
Primarily what tonight is all about is about providing a platform
for open and honest debate, it is not about listening to carefully
constructed political rhetoric cantering around vague and
potentially misleading aspirations which talk about the so-called
long term view. Tonight's core question gives to Sinn Fein the
perfect opportunity to reassure those Republicans prepared to just
say no to any vote of approval for the British constabulary, tonight
Sinn Fein have the opportunity to enlighten all of us and to assure
all republicans that all of the legitimate objections and
disagreements could be answered. If Stormont and the endorsement of
both the British constabulary and the Criminal Justice system were
truly some form of purgatory to be suffered briefly before entering
a united Ireland then tonight we need to hear exactly what their
strategy is in relation to circumventing existing frameworks and
legislation, spell it out without the usual spin-doctoring which
characterised previous submissions from Sf in Conway mill and
Toomebridge. Failure do so will reinforce the obvious fear which is
that endorsing the PSNI would be a final step in their objectives of
Ulsterization, criminalization and normalization.
Much has been made of the role of M15 in the north of Ireland. So
much for Brookes statement about Britain having no strategic or
selfish interest in Irish affairs, instead of wasting energy on
so-called negotiations on whether or not M15 would have a role in
with the RUC/PSNI. Sf should have demanded that it is not acceptable
for M15 to be here at all. Sine. The prize of political power seems
to have blinded some to the reality of what MI5 and political
policing is all about.
SF are bizarrely, claiming a victory of sorts after Tony Blair's
statement in the House of Commons when he stated that MI5 and the
PSNI would be two separate entities.
In fact:
(1) MI5 is taking over and getting primacy for intelligence led
political policing;
(2) It covers so-called domestic terrorism as well as international;
and
(3)The Police Ombudsman will not be able to investigate what MI5 are
up to.
Gerry Kelly has stated that Sinn Fein wanted to "stop MI5 having any
role in civic policing here" and that Blairs' proposals will "go a
long way towards achieving that objective."
We are told by Blair and agreed by SF that there will be "No
secondment of PSNI members to MI5" This is misleading. Blair states
that "police officers who act in a liaison capacity with the
Security Services will be PSNI Headquarters staff."
We are told that arrangements will be made that the Ombudsmans
Office will have access to information held by MI5 where this is
necessary to the discharge of her duties." Who decides this? The
Police Ombudsman is promised no statutory power to access
information MI5 hold. All that is said is that MI5 can agree to give
her documents. But the bottom line is they don't have to if they
don't want to. How Sinn Fein can claim this as a success. So what
really has PSF achieved during these negotiations to end political
policing and is it possible for all of us to shift through all the
spin, half truths and lies that we are being bombarded with by both
the British government, the leadership of PSF and the PSNI and come
to the real truth on the end product of these negotiations. SFs
stated negotiating position was that MI5 had no role in Ireland
whatsoever but later dropped that position to demands of no MI5 role
in civic policing, which PSF now claim to have achieved. But have
they really? MI5's role and remit can be extended as the British
Government expands the definition of national security ever wider.
MI5 will affect how political policing is carried out by the PSNI.
But MI5 will not have to account to the Police Ombudsman for their
effects on policing – because she can only investigate the PSNI
Where are republican principles in all of this? Undoubtedly MI5 are
a malign unaccountable political force who will have a close a
working relationship with the PSNI, after all they are two sides of
the same coin who serve the same master - the British establishment
and its interests. Mainstream republicans are being asked to
endorse, legitimise and fully co-operate with the PSNI who in turn
will be fully co-operating with MI5 in the targeting, arresting and
imprisonment of anyone judged to be detrimental to the interests of
British national security, in other words Irish republicans.
Provisional republicans are also, bizarrely, being asked by their
leadership to endorse the judicial system, Diplock courts and the
unaccountable Public Prosecution Service. Tinkering with these
institutions does not amount to having control of them,
Limited devolved policing and Justice powers to Stormont will not
give us independent accountable, civic policing and justice. To
claim that they will is nothing more than political spin and is a
lie.
If republicans endorse these institutions they will be endorsing
PSNI operations on so-called 'dissidents' and also their
investigations into past republican activities. What then will the
position be in regard to the Historical enquiries Team findings?
Will it be similar to the public advice given to 4 members of the
Provisional movement in the Bobby Tohill case? "Give yourself up
lads"
There is a consensus amongst those on this platform that policing in
the North under its present form is unacceptable for various
reasons. Where the speakers differ is what is to be done about it.
There are two strategies. The first, embraced by Sinn Fein, is to
attempt to change the policing and justice system from within. The
second is to create pressure for change from without. Experience
shows that once you attempt to create change from within, the
parameters of the system create constraints which prevent political
actions to transform it. Once you are in, you have to play by the
enemy's rules - it is not the system which will have to obey
Republican rules. Accepting and endorsing the policing and justice
system is not a Republican strategy - it is a British state and
Unionist demand. They have already determined the rules of the game.
DUP politicians such as Gregory Campbell and James McAllister have
already made clear that the ultimate test for Sinn Fein will not be
formal recognition of the policing and justice system, but the
party's willingness to act against former colleagues and against
anyone the British State view as a past or present threat.still.
Attempts to change the system from within will only result in
Republicans being stuck on the other side of the barricade.
Experience demonstrates that it is far more effective to apply
pressure from without.
IN CONCLUSION, an alternative needs to be built for a joint strategy
between Socialists, Republicans and other progressive forces to
create pressure from without not from within.
I believe that the only viable alternative to endorsing the RUC/PSNI
and the Criminal Justice System is that republican activists from
all shades of republicans need to build bridges with each other and
begin a process which will formulate a comprehensive strategy aimed
at building a principled republican and socialist alternative to the
Belfast Agreement.
(The above speech was delivered by IRSP member Eddie McGarrigle
at a policing debate in Derry attended by over 400. Neither Sinn
Feins (provisional or republican wings) sent speakers.)
Housing Crisis
Recently the Housing Executive revealed that there are currently no
more plans to build any further social housing in the Shankill area.
This is despite the fact that local people want more social housing.
Like many other areas of Belfast both nationalist and unionist areas
there is growing concern at the growth in the private (landlord)
rented sector. The H.E. claim there is no need for social housing.
This is at a time when landlords from all over Ireland and Britain
are buying up property as an investment and then letting them out to
people with no stake in the area. This can then lead to anti social
behaviour as young people, who like to party, are placed beside
families and old aged pensioners.
Without social housing many working class families are placed into
the hands of the landlord class who exploit their power by evicting
people in order to raise the rents. With the rise in rates and the
introduction of water charges in April the landlords will pass on
the increases to the tenants.
In
the lower Shankill area, which has plenty of open spaces, the lack
of social houses means that locals are being then forced to move
into other areas. Eventually then the land will be released to
speculators to build massive apartments blocks for the gentrified
workers in the city centre.
The landlords are granting short-term leases to some tenants so that
they can then raise the rent every six months or so. Meanwhile the
Housing Executive’s waiting list grows longer and longer as the rise
in interest rates forces young couples out of the market to buy new
homes. More and more of these in areas are been snapped up by
speculators for the rental market. Unfortunately some of these
people are former republicans who once claimed to stand for some
kind of socialism.
From the Media
Housing problem "at worst for 20 years" - Dove House
The housing problem in Derry is at its worst for 20 years and it's
not getting any better, according to Kathleen Bradley of Dove House.
By
Laurence McClenaghan
She said a full-scale crisis is on the way because so many young and
single people can't get housing.
Kathleen told the 'Journal' that she is advising 140 people a month
on the issue at the Bogside Centre.
She said it was past time for local politicians to become active on
the problem.
"If the Brandywell stadium can go to the top of the political
agenda, then the need for somewhere to live should be at the
forefront of political debate locally and that is where we at Dove
House aim to put it," she said. "What good is somewhere to play
football if people do not have their own homes to return to?
"Single people with no disabilities or no children can not get off
the bottom of the housing list. They simply can't access social,
affordable housing. The Housing Executive list is organised in such
a way that single people are not given any priority.
"I
have queried the new system as it has single people looking for one
bedroom flats on the same list as people with a family looking for
three bedroom homes, people who need wheelchair access and so on.
They are not looking for the same properties so why are they on the
same list?"
Mrs. Bradley also hit out at politicians who she believes have not
done enough to combat the shortage of social housing.
"I
started petitioning on the issue a few years ago but the politicians
never came near me. I would advise people to ask more of the
politicians who will be campaigning and canvassing at the doors
soon."
Kathleen feels so strongly about the issue that she has formed a
focus group in a bid to lobby local politicians ahead of the
forthcoming elections.
"People in this town do not have £110 per week to pay in rent
charges. Young people should have a right to independent living.
"On average I advise eight people every day on housing rights,
housing benefits and how long they can expect to wait on a housing
list. People want to know their options and realistically they only
have two - buy or rent from a private landlord. £80,000 of debt for
a one-bedroom flat is not an option.
"We are calling for the creation of a focus group at Stormont to
address the problem as it is at its worst in 20 years.
"We advise everyone to sign on the housing list as soon as the are
18 years old but the issue is at crisis point and I am calling on
our politicians to generate some movement on the problem. We in the
community sector are dealing with the consequences from the failure
to deal with the problem."
09
January 2007
NORTHERN IRELAND
The Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions) (Northern
Ireland) Order 2007
Police powers to examine documents or records
13.⎯(1) A constable who performs a lawful search of any premises or
person—
(a) may examine any document or record found in order to ascertain
whether
it
contains information relating to the commission or proposed
commission of serious crime; and
(b) if necessary or expedient for the purpose of sub-paragraph (a),
may
remove the document or record to another place and retain it there
until
the examination is completed.
(2) Paragraph (1) shall not permit a person to examine a document or
record if
he
has reasonable cause to believe that it is an item subject to legal
privilege.
(3) Where the document or record examined under paragraph (1)(a) is
stored in
any electronic form, the constable may require it to be produced in
a form in
which it can be removed under paragraph (1)(b) and in which it is
visible and
legible or from which it can readily be produced in a visible and
legible form.
(4) Subject to paragraphs (5) and (6), a document or record may not
be retained
by
virtue of paragraph (1)(b) for more than 48 hours.
(5) A police officer who is of at least the rank of chief inspector
may authorise a
constable to retain a document or record for a further period or
periods.
(6) Paragraph (5) does not permit the retention of a document or
record after
the end of the period of 96 hours beginning with the time when it
was removed
for examination under paragraph (1)(b).
(7) Where a document or record is examined under this Article⎯
(a) it shall not be photographed or copied, and
(b) the person who examines it shall make a written record of the
examination
as
soon as is reasonably practicable.
(8) The record shall—
(a) describe the document or record,
(b) specify the object of the examination,
(c) state the address of the premises where the document or record
was found,
Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions)
(d) where the document or record was found in the course of a search
of a
person, state the person’s name,
(e) where the document or record was found in the course of a search
of any
premises, state the name of a person appearing to the person making
the
record to be the occupier of the premises or to have had custody or
control
of
the document or record when it was found,
(f) where the document or record is removed for examination from the
place
where it was found, state the date and time when it was removed;
and
(g) where the document or record was examined at the place where it
was
found, state the date and time of examination;
(h) identify the constable by whom the examination was carried out
by
reference to his police number, and
(9) Where a person makes a record of a search in accordance with
this Article,
he
shall as soon as is reasonably practicable supply a copy—
(a) in a case where the document or record was found in the course
of a
search of a person, to that person, and
(b) in a case where the document or record was found in the course
of a
search of any premises, to a person appearing to the person making
the
record to be the occupier of the premises or to have had custody or
control
of
the document or record when it was found.
(10) In this Article⎯
“item subject to legal privilege” and “premises” have the same
meanings as in
the Police and Criminal Evidence (Northern Ireland) Order 1989(NI
12)).
“serious crime” has the meaning given by section 85(2) and (3) of
the
Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (c.23);
“document or record” includes a document or record stored in any
electronic
form.
Fact file
Life in Britain today
In
2006 living standards fell, not rise.
Inflation is outstripping average wage rises for the first time
since 1995.
Mortgages have risen by 13 per cent
Electricity by 27 per cent,
Gas bills by 38 per cent. For 1.4 million pensioners surviving on
less than £5,000 a year, it could mean hypothermia.
Debt - on credit cards and overdrafts - has risen to a staggering
£8,592 per household.
1.71 million are unemployed.
Mortgage failures are up: 34,626 homes were repossessed in the last
three months. Nearly 100,000 people are officially homeless, while
the charity Crisis reckons a further 380,000 are sleeping rough or
"sofa surfing".
£8.8 billion in City bonuses was handed out this year. This is on
top of an average wage rise for FTSE 100 top directors of 28 per
cent.
Three one-day strikes, followed by a two-day walkout secured an
extra £1 an hour for 272 GMB union members at JJB Sports Wigan depot
.
The TGWU general union's Justice for Cleaners campaign of direct
action has forced the biggest cleaning contractor in the world to
recognise the rights of 20,000 London cleaners.
(source
Workers Power e-News ISSUE #15)
.
International news
Venezuela Recovers Social Property
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Chavez announces radical measures against capitalism in
Venezuela |
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By Fred Weston |
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Tuesday, 09 January 2007 |
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President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela during the swearing in
ceremony of his new cabinet gave a fiery speech in which he
announced a series of radical measures. If carried out they
would be a serious blow against the power of the oligarchy
and imperialism in Venezuela. The proposals he made reflect
the sharp turn to the left in the country as a whole. They
reflect the real mood of the masses and their desire for
radical change and an end to capitalism in the country.
In December he won a massive victory, the biggest ever since
the Bolivarian Revolution began. The balance of forces is
now weighted very heavily in favour of the Venezuelan
masses. Chavez has absolute control of parliament and
massive support among the population. The conditions exist
for snuffing out capitalism once and for all.
The list of measures announced by Chavez would mean striking
at the very heart of Venezuelan capitalism. It is not by
chance that an article that appeared in the Washington Post
yesterday, commenting on his speech, appears under the title
"Chavez accelerates Venezuela's socialist revolution". The
title encapsulates very well what is happening in Venezuela.
The serious bourgeois analysts understand what the Marxists
understand. Capitalism could be eradicated in Venezuela
quite easily.
In his speech Chavez emphasised that Venezuela has entered a
new phase, which he defined as the "National Simon Bolivar
Project of 2007-2021", which would aim to build "Bolivarian
Socialism". Tomorrow, Chavez will speak again at his own
swearing-in ceremony, where he says he will outline in more
detail what this project will consist of, but already he has
pointed to five main points, five "motors" of the
revolution: a special "enabling" law, further constitutional
reform, popular education, reconstruction of the organs of
state power, and explosion of communal power.
The enabling law is the main plank of his proposals. It
would allow Chavez, over the coming year, to push through a
series of decrees. He specifically pointed out that a
central part of the law would include the nationalisation of
key industries that had been privatised by past governments,
such as the Venezuelan telecommunications company CANTV
(privatised in 1991) and the electricity industry. Earlier
this year he had already threatened to nationalise CANTV if
it did not adjust its pension payments to come in line with
the minimum wage.
He was very clear about what needs to be done. He said, "All
of that which was privatised, let it be nationalised", which
received a big applause. He added that the aim was to
establish "social ownership over the strategic sectors of
the means of production."
He also plans to increase state control over the oil
industry. At present there are four Orinoco Oil Belt
projects that the state runs as joint ventures with the US
companies Exxon Mobil, Conoco, and Chevron, France's Total,
Britain's BP, and Norway's Statoil, but the state has a
minority share in these. Now Chavez proposes taking a
majority share, thus strengthening the state's control over
these important projects which account for 18% of the
country's oil production.
He announced that the text of the law is ready and would
soon go to the National Assembly.
He also proposed new constitutional reforms. He did not
specify what kind of reforms he is proposing but in his
speech he said he would base himself on the "popular power,
the true combustible", referring to the need to base the
revolution on the grassroots, the people that have
consistently supported the revolution. He added that, "We're
moving toward a socialist republic of Venezuela, and that
requires a deep reform of our national constitution... We're
heading toward socialism, and nothing and no one can prevent
it."
One specific reform he did mention was that of establishing
greater control over the Central Bank. The Bank is presently
independent. Chavez wants to remove this. As he pointed out,
this independence makes it an instrument of
"neo-liberalism". This is a correct decision. The central
bank directors have systematically put up opposition to
Chavez's policy of using state funds to alleviate poverty
and carry out genuine reforms. They have used the
independence of the bank to defend the interests of the
unelected oligarchy that wishes to maintain its control over
the fundamental levers of the economy.
Other measures he outlined included that of setting up a
"Bolivarian popular education." He explained that this would
"deepen the new values and demolish the old values of
individualism, capitalism, of egotism."
He stressed the need to give a greater say in running things
to the poorer areas of the country, clearly indicating the
need to shift power to the masses that support the
revolution. He said that what needed to be done is to
"dismantle the bourgeois state" because all states "were
born to prevent revolutions." This is to be done by giving
more power to the newly set up Communal Councils and by
developing them from the bottom up with the aim of creating
a new state based on these Communal Councils.
Before his speech he had already taken a firm decision not
to renew the broadcast concession to the RCTV, a TV Company
that has consistently supported all the undemocratic
manoeuvres to remove Chavez. It supported the 2002 coup and
the sabotage of the oil industry. Chavez has been attacked
for this by the Opposition and imperialism. They want the
freedom to manoeuvre and plot against the democratically
elected government of Venezuela. Imagine if in the USA a
private TV channel supported a coup attempt to remove Bush.
How would the Republicans react? That TV station would not
survive one day longer.
Another measure that had already been announced, and that
can be seen in the same light as the ones announced
yesterday, is the removal of Vice-president Jose Vicente
Rangel and his replacement by Jorge Rodriguez. Rangel had
come to be seen as a representative of the most moderate
elements within the Bolivarian leadership and he
specifically had opposed the expropriation of the Caracas
golf courses announced by the mayor Barreto at the end of
August last year. At that time Rangel said the government
was fully for the respect of private property.
Marxists cannot but give full-hearted supported to the
measures announced by Chavez. We have consistently argued
that the Venezuelan revolution cannot stop halfway. Either
it moves forward to the expropriation of the commanding
heights of the economy, thus breaking the power of the
oligarchy and imperialism, or the process could unravel,
with the oligarchy using its control of the economy to carry
out acts of sabotage and wear down the revolution.
The massive victory in the December elections was a clear
signal that the masses want to move on and take on the
oligarchy. Chavez's speech reflects this situation. It
explains why he stated that, "Nothing or no-one will be able
to push us off course in our pursuit of... Venezuelan
socialism, our socialism." During his speech he specifically
referred to the ideals of Marx and Lenin.
The reaction of the bourgeoisie internationally has been as
could be expected. Alberto Ramos writing for Goldman Sachs
has commented that, "These disconcerting policy
announcements represent a clear turn into deeper nationalist
and interventionist policies, which can lead to further
erosion of business confidence and the country's macro and
institutional fundamentals." Richard La Rosa, an equities
trader at Activalores Sociedad de Corretaje CA said that,
"We all expected some radical announcements after his
swearing-in, but this took markets completely by surprise.
We never imagined that he would name a company specifically.
It left all of us in shock." He added that, "The big
question in the marketplace is how are we going to be
compensated? No one doubts of Chavez's intentions at this
point." Many are making the comment that Chavez could go
down the road that Cuba took back in the early 1960s, when
Castro nationalised the bulk of the economy.
Chavez is to be sworn in tomorrow as President. This will be
his third term in office and would take him up to 2013. The
bourgeoisie in Venezuela and internationally is mounting a
rabid hate campaign against Chavez as he moves further and
further to the left. This is not by accident. Their real
material interests are at stake here. If Chavez goes all the
way he will receive the enthusiastic support of the
Venezuelan masses. In the recent period Chavez had spoken
about making the revolutionary process in Venezuela
"irreversible". There is only one way of doing that:
expropriate the bourgeoisie and build a revolutionary state
based on the working class.
When he says that it is necessary to "dismantle the
bourgeois state" he is absolutely right. The present state
is riddled with agents of the old regime. The big majority
of civil servants and top state officials is still made up
of people appointed in the past to serve the interests of
the bourgeoisie. They cannot be trusted. Every day, every
minute they are manoeuvring to block any progressive reform.
They are trying to slow down the revolution, hoping to wear
it down and prepare the ground for a return of the old
regime. Chavez has often referred to bureaucratism and
corruption at all levels that are blocking the revolutionary
process.
What is needed is to shift the centre of action to the
masses themselves. The only force that Chavez can really
trust is that of the Venezuelan working class, the peasants
and the poor. Now is the time for committees to be elected
in all the factories and other workplaces, in the working
class neighbourhoods. These should elect delegates to higher
bodies, eventually leading to a national body. This would be
the instrument that could "dismantle the bourgeois state"
and build a "revolutionary state".
It is to be noted that one of the few companies specifically
mentioned as being up for nationalisation is CANTV, where
workers and former workers have been fighting for their
rights and demanding nationalisation for the last few
months. This will surely provide a new impetus to the
struggle of workers at Sanitarios Maracay for
nationalisation under workers' control.
The UNT should take the initiative of calling immediately a
National Workers' Conference to discuss these measures and
take concrete steps of the workers in key sectors of the
economy to organise themselves the struggle for
nationalisation under workers' control and pre-empt any
attempt of the bosses to sabotage them or strip them of
assets or valuable information. Such a Conference should
also call for a national day of action of factory
occupations in which the 800 companies already mentioned by
Chavez a year and a half ago should be taken over and with
them all strategic sectors of the economy should also be
occupied by the workers.
Chavez sees the need to "deepen" the revolution. He
understands that the revolution cannot stand still. It must
move on. He can see that every time he tries to push the
process further, the bureaucracy comes up with a thousand
and one obstacles. He feels that he cannot make this state
machine do what he wants. The only road is therefore to
break this machine and build a new one based on the workers.
In the next few days we will provide a more in depth
analysis of what is happening in Venezuela, but what is
clear is that an acceleration of the whole process is taking
place in Venezuela. If the Venezuelan revolution were
victorious in the coming period it would be seen as a beacon
by the masses of the whole of Latin America and beyond. It
would usher in a new period of revolutions. That is why all
genuine socialists, communists, cannot but be enthused by
the new turn of events and give their full-hearted support
to the revolution. The bourgeoisie is lining up
internationally, using all it has, its control of the media,
the economy and so on, to strike blows at the Venezuelan
revolution. It is our duty in all countries to counter this
with all our might.
(from In Defence of Marxism- www.marxist.com/index.php) |
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From the Media
Future of Iraq: The Spoils of War
Iraq's massive oil reserves, the third-largest in the world, are
about to be thrown open for large-scale exploitation by Western oil
companies under a controversial law which is expected to come before
the Iraqi parliament within days. The US government has been
involved in drawing up the law, a draft of which has been seen by
The Independent on Sunday. It would give big oil companies such as
BP, Shell and Exxon 30-year contracts to extract Iraqi crude and
allow the first large-scale operation of foreign oil interests in
the country since the industry was nationalised in 1972. The
huge potential prizes for Western firms will give ammunition to
critics who say the Iraq war was fought for oil. They point to
statements such as one from Vice-President Dick Cheney, who said in
1999, while he was still chief executive of the oil services company
Halliburton, that the world would need an additional 50 million
barrels of oil a day by 2010.
"So where is the oil going to come from?... The Middle East,
with two-thirds of the world's oil and the lowest cost, is still
where the prize ultimately lies," he said. Oil industry
executives and analysts say the law, which would permit Western
companies to pocket up to three-quarters of profits in the early
years, is the only way to get Iraq's oil industry back on its feet
after years of sanctions, war and loss of expertise. But it will
operate through "production-sharing agreements" (or PSAs) which are
highly unusual in the Middle East, where the oil industry in Saudi
Arabia and Iran, the world's two largest producers, is state
controlled. Opponents say Iraq, where oil accounts for 95 per
cent of the economy, is being forced to surrender an unacceptable
degree of sovereignty.
Proposing the parliamentary motion for war in 2003, Tony Blair
denied the "false claim" that "we want to seize" Iraq's oil
revenues. He said the money should be put into a trust fund, run by
the UN, for the Iraqis, but the idea came to nothing. The same year
Colin Powell, then Secretary of State, said: "It cost a great deal
of money to prosecute this war. But the oil of the Iraqi people
belongs to the Iraqi people; it is their wealth, it will be used for
their benefit. So we did not do it for oil." Supporters say the
provision allowing oil companies to take up to 75 per cent of the
profits will last until they have recouped initial drilling costs.
After that, they would collect about 20 per cent of all profits,
according to industry sources in Iraq. But that is twice the
industry average for such deals. Greg Muttitt, a researcher for
Platform, a human rights and environmental group which monitors the
oil industry, said Iraq was being asked to pay an enormous price
over the next 30 years for its present instability. "They would lose
out massively," he said, "because they don't have the capacity at
the moment to strike a good deal." Iraq's Deputy Prime
Minister, Barham Salih, who chairs the country's oil committee, is
expected to unveil the legislation as early as today.
"It is a redrawing of the whole Iraqi oil industry [to] a modern
standard," said Khaled Salih, spokesman for the Kurdish Regional
Government, a party to the negotiations. The Iraqi government hopes
to have the law on the books by March. Several major oil
companies are said to have sent teams into the country in recent
months to lobby for deals ahead of the law, though the big names are
considered unlikely to invest until the violence in Iraq
abates. James Paul, executive director at the Global Policy
Forum, the international government watchdog, said: "It is not an
exaggeration to say that the overwhelming majority of the population
would be opposed to this. To do it anyway, with minimal discussion
within the [Iraqi] parliament is really just pouring more oil on the
fire." Vince Cable, the Liberal Democrat Treasury spokesman and
a former chief economist at Shell, said it was crucial that any deal
would guarantee funds for rebuilding Iraq. "It is absolutely vital
that the revenue from the oil industry goes into Iraqi development
and is seen to do so," he said. "Although it does make sense to
collaborate with foreign investors, it is very important the terms
are seen to be fair."
(By Danny Fortson, Andrew Murray-Watson and Tim Webb
The Independent UK Sunday 07 January 2007)
What’s On?
ANTI-WAR IRELAND NOTICE
An event in Dublin for your diary. Caoimhe will also speak in
Belfast, Cork, Galway and Derry. More details later.
Caoimhe Butterly to Speak in Dublin on 20th January
dublin miscellaneous news report
info@antiwarireland.org
Report-back on her months in Lebanon
Caoimhe Butterly, who has spent the past five months in Lebanon and
who experienced the results of Israel's onslaught last year, will be
back in Ireland briefly at the end of January. During her visit, she
will speak on her experiences in Lebanon (in both Beirut and the
South) and will be highlighting projects that she is currently
involved with (including a film project about life in the wake of
the Israeli bombardment and invasion).
Her first talk will be in Dublin at a public meeting jointly
organised by Anti-War Ireland (AWI), Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM)
and the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC). The meeting
will be chaired by Raymond Deane of the IPSC.
When:
Saturday, 20th January at 2pm
Where:
Teachers' Club, Parnell Square, Dublin
This should be a very interesting meeting and should people some
sense of what the Lebanese people have suffered, and continue to
suffer, as a result of Israeli imperialist aggression.
Admission is free and all are welcome!
In addition, Caoimhe will later speak at Anti-War Ireland public
meetings in Belfast and Cork; at a Derry Anti-War Coalition meeting
in Derry city; and at a public meeting in Galway hosted by the
EcoSoc of NUI, Galway. More details on these meetings will be posted
later.
Cuireadh/ Invite
East Down Migrant Workers Support Group
Sveiki – Olá – Cześć / Dzień dobry – ЗДраствуй
The newly formed EDMWSG would like to invite you to their afternoon
launch in the
Down County Museum
Thursday 1st February
1pm sharp
guest speakers in attendance followed by a light lunch and
refreshments.
For more information-see press release below.
RSVP to
macmanais@hotmail.co.uk or
stephen.onuallain@btinternet.com
07919137349/07801189971 by Friday 26th January
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
The last number of years has seen a welcome increase in the numbers
of migrant workers coming to Down District to play an increasingly
important role in meeting the labour needs of local businesses and
industries. Unfortunately they have at times met various levels of
exploitation, prejudice and indeed physical attack.
In response to the above The East Down Migrant Workers Support Group
seeks to tackle the exploitation and prejudice faced by migrant
workers in the Down district and where possible to offer assistance
in accessing local services, offering advice on employment and trade
union rights and assisting then in playing an active role in local
communities.
A spokesperson for the group commented, “I am very pleased to
announce this hands-on project for the betterment of all the
community. The migrant community provide a rich cultural addition to
our area and it is our duty to provide practical support to them
wherever necessary”.
The EDMWSG is comprised of community activists from across the
political spectrum, migrant workers themselves and trade unionists.
The EDMSWG is being launched at the Down County Museum on the 1st
February at 1pm. All are welcome, especially migrant workers,
political representatives and civic leaders. A guest speaker will
be in attendance, followed by lunch and refreshments.
For further information contact 07919137349/ 07801189971
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It is the policy of the
Plough to acknowledge information and articles from other sources.
The Republican Socialist
Youth Movement have re-launched their website.
It can be viewed at
www.rsym.org
An Glór / The Voice
News sheet of Belfast
Republican Socialist Youth Movement
January 2007
Circulation: 400
- Brit police never
acceptable
- Maghaberry Prison protest
continues
- Assets Recovery Agency, a
question of money
- Support the Turkish death
fast
- Ard Fheis rejects any
move towards INLA decommissioning
- Volunteer Davy McNutt
RIP
http://www.rsym.org/pdf/magazines/anGlor1.pdf
The Republican Socialist
Youth Movement have produced a short video on the situation
concerning Shannon airport and its continued use by American troops
and the CIA. The video can be viewed at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bH0WqJb95l8
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